Published on Tuesday, June 25, 2002 in The Washington Post
Second Opinion: Measuring Violence
By ABIGAIL TRAFFORD
Sirens and blood. When there's
a pileup on I-95, the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration
(NHTSA) gathers up all the details -- the make of the vehicles, the
time of day, the place on the highway, whether the victims were wearing
seatbelts or the drivers were drunk.
Blood and sirens. When a person blows his head off in the kitchen or
the woods, or when someone is murdered in an alleyway, well -- forget
it. There's no equivalent system that collects the details of the death
and analyzes the patterns of these violent injuries.
This is the Fatal Data Gap. One kind of sudden violent death is routinely
studied on a nationwide basis; another kind is not. Yet about 50,000
Americans suffer a nontraffic violent death every year, almost all from
suicide and homicide.
To reduce the toll, researchers need to know how and why these fatalities
occur. What percent of young people who take their own lives are intoxicated
at the time of death? How often does a child die from abuse -- every
two hours or two days?
Nobody really knows. The National Center for Health Statistics collects
information from death certificates. The FBI collects information about
offenders and victims of crime. But the two systems aren't linked. The
circumstances that led to the violence are often not recorded. Information
is scattered among different local and federal agencies. There's no
national reporting system on these deaths like NHTSA's Fatality Analysis
Reporting System (FARS).
Now that's about to change. At President Bush's request, the Centers
for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) has started a small $1.5 million
project to set up a National Violent Death Reporting System.
It builds on the innovative statewide reporting system in Wisconsin
and a pilot program sponsored by Harvard's School of Public Health in
seven areas of the country. The goal is to analyze these fatalities
so that public health officials will have a scientific basis for designing
preventive strategies.
"Our knowledge of these events is fragmented. That's why it's so
exciting to see the dots being connected," says Stephen W. Hargarten,
who heads the emergency medicine department at the Medical College of
Wisconsin in Milwaukee. As he makes clear: "I'm a physician. This
is a health problem."
You notice that so far I have avoided the mention of one key word: guns.
Nobody wants to rouse the gun lobby and give it a reason to block this
initiative. Language is important. The project is not called the firearm
fatality surveillance program. It is the National Violent Death Reporting
System that will collect data regardless of the weapon used -- a gun,
a fist or a knife.
"Everyone can be for it," says David Hemenway, director of
Harvard's injury control research center. "The more data, the better.
This is not only more politically correct. It makes a lot more sense
in terms of the science."
For decades public health officials tried to address gun violence the
way they tackled tobacco use and other leading causes of death. Former
surgeon general C. Everett Koop labeled the bullet a pathogen. But targeting
gun injuries can be hazardous to research. A pilot project at CDC in
the 1990s to monitor firearm fatalities drew ire from gun advocates
and was stopped after three years. Now all money appropriated to CDC
to study injuries comes with a stipulation from Congress that the funds
cannot be used to advocate for gun control.
Still, guns are the significant factor. Easier access to guns may explain
why homicide rates are so much higher in the United States than in other
high-income countries. The overall crime rates for robbery, car theft
and sexual assault are about the same. But the homicide rate is about
five times higher in this country. Among children aged 5 to 14, the
gun suicide rate is 10 times higher.
Even within the United States, many more gun suicides occur in "high
gun" states -- places such as Louisiana, Wyoming and West Virginia,
where gun ownership is more common -- than in "low gun" states
like Massachusetts, Rhode Island and New Jersey.
By not focusing on guns, the new initiative makes an effort to create
some common ground between pro-gun and anti-gun groups. As James A.
Mercy of CDC's injury prevention program says: "People with all
points of view on guns can support collecting objective data on this
problem."
The reporting system is modeled after the national traffic safety program,
which analyzes all the factors that lead to fatal injuries. Out of this
information has come seat belt and motorcycle helmet laws, better car
designs, campaigns against drunk driving. Automobile fatalities have
fallen about 80 percent per mile driven over 50 years.
The same bonanza in saved lives could come from a national reporting
system on violent death. There are already tantalizing clues from Harvard's
pilot program. Location is a key determinant of violent death, for example.
More than 65 percent of women who are murdered are killed at home, while
more than 80 percent of men are murdered away from home. The implication:
Putting more police on the streets is not likely to protect women, but
home visits by social workers might.
A national reporting system could also evaluate interventions. In Wisconsin,
researchers found that guns recovered in local buyback campaigns were
not the kind of guns used in homicides -- which suggests that buybacks
may not reduce the toll of gun fatalities.
All in all, good data will lead to better public health.
© 2002 The Washington Post Company
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